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All Insights
An analysis by Gordon Repinski, Editor-in-Chief of Politico
Gordon Repinski has been covering German chancellors for more than a decade. He knows Angela Merkel, Olaf Scholz – and now Friedrich Merz. Merz’s path to the top, he said, was anything but straightforward. After years outside frontline politics, including time as a lobbyist and transatlantic networker, Merz returned – driven in part by the desire to be the opposite of Angela Merkel.
“Friedrich Merz has a very good instinct for the moment and for delivering the right speech at the right time,” Repinski said. “What he often lacks is a longer-term strategy.” That Merz needed three attempts to become party leader, Repinski added, was emblematic of this pattern.
The election victory was modest, and a coalition with the Social Democrats was unavoidable. Yet this, according to Repinski, is precisely where one of the core problems lies. The SPD is historically weakened, internally divided, and now forced to support policies that run counter to its own programme.
“This is a coalition in which the junior partner lost the election, now has a chancellor it did not want – and is expected to carry reforms that are not its own,” Repinski said. Migration, economic policy and defence are all areas where persuasion and internal alignment remain difficult.
For journalists, Merz is an engaging figure, Repinski acknowledged. In interviews, he often says exactly what he thinks after only a few questions. Politically, however, this can quickly turn into a problem.
“Impulse control is a real issue for Friedrich Merz,” Repinski said. “He says things that provoke unnecessarily – and distract from the core tasks.” Cultural debates or pointed remarks on pension policy, he argued, have repeatedly placed additional strain on the coalition.
In foreign policy, Repinski credited the chancellor with greater confidence. Merz is firmly transatlantic, speaks excellent English and is taken seriously in Washington. Early visits to Paris and Warsaw also sent clear signals within Europe.
At the same time, contradictions remain. National unilateral moves on migration policy, Repinski noted, are “clearly un-European.” “Merz wants to strengthen Europe,” Repinski said, “but makes decisions that contradict that ambition.”
Looking ahead, the outlook is bleak. Several state elections are scheduled for 2026, particularly in eastern Germany, where the AfD is polling at up to forty percent. Repinski sees few good options. “All scenarios for 2026 are difficult,” he said. “Either there is political chaos – or decisions that break central promises.” The current strategy, he argued, is no longer sufficient.
Despite his criticism, Repinski did not abandon hope. The rise of populist forces, he argued, does not signal the end of democracy, but rather a system that is failing to deliver enough. “We need reforms that produce tangible results,” Repinski said. “And we need new approaches – in politics as well as in journalism.” Only then, he concluded, can trust be rebuilt.
all Insights
An analysis by Gordon Repinski, Editor-in-Chief of Politico
Gordon Repinski has been covering German chancellors for more than a decade. He knows Angela Merkel, Olaf Scholz – and now Friedrich Merz. Merz’s path to the top, he said, was anything but straightforward. After years outside frontline politics, including time as a lobbyist and transatlantic networker, Merz returned – driven in part by the desire to be the opposite of Angela Merkel.
“Friedrich Merz has a very good instinct for the moment and for delivering the right speech at the right time,” Repinski said. “What he often lacks is a longer-term strategy.” That Merz needed three attempts to become party leader, Repinski added, was emblematic of this pattern.
The election victory was modest, and a coalition with the Social Democrats was unavoidable. Yet this, according to Repinski, is precisely where one of the core problems lies. The SPD is historically weakened, internally divided, and now forced to support policies that run counter to its own programme.
“This is a coalition in which the junior partner lost the election, now has a chancellor it did not want – and is expected to carry reforms that are not its own,” Repinski said. Migration, economic policy and defence are all areas where persuasion and internal alignment remain difficult.
For journalists, Merz is an engaging figure, Repinski acknowledged. In interviews, he often says exactly what he thinks after only a few questions. Politically, however, this can quickly turn into a problem.
“Impulse control is a real issue for Friedrich Merz,” Repinski said. “He says things that provoke unnecessarily – and distract from the core tasks.” Cultural debates or pointed remarks on pension policy, he argued, have repeatedly placed additional strain on the coalition.
In foreign policy, Repinski credited the chancellor with greater confidence. Merz is firmly transatlantic, speaks excellent English and is taken seriously in Washington. Early visits to Paris and Warsaw also sent clear signals within Europe.
At the same time, contradictions remain. National unilateral moves on migration policy, Repinski noted, are “clearly un-European.” “Merz wants to strengthen Europe,” Repinski said, “but makes decisions that contradict that ambition.”
Looking ahead, the outlook is bleak. Several state elections are scheduled for 2026, particularly in eastern Germany, where the AfD is polling at up to forty percent. Repinski sees few good options. “All scenarios for 2026 are difficult,” he said. “Either there is political chaos – or decisions that break central promises.” The current strategy, he argued, is no longer sufficient.
Despite his criticism, Repinski did not abandon hope. The rise of populist forces, he argued, does not signal the end of democracy, but rather a system that is failing to deliver enough. “We need reforms that produce tangible results,” Repinski said. “And we need new approaches – in politics as well as in journalism.” Only then, he concluded, can trust be rebuilt.
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