The political myth of a weak Europe

The history of Stalin’s personality cult – dismantled after his death and lately mobilised selectively to shape present debates while downplaying repression – is a reminder that abuse of power is not sustained by force alone. It is enabled by complacency, a culture of flattery and political myths that shift political systems from the authority of values to the value of authority. An authoritarian drift is also a narrative and a psychological process.

These mechanisms are not relics of history. They are at work today, and they can also be self-inflicted. One example is the narrative of a weak Europe, articulated across political debates and public discourse.

The drift of new democracies from liberal towards more authoritarian forms is already a reality in Europe. Yet Europe’s real challenge today is not only institutional – it is narrative. The political myth of a weak Europe reflects a deeper risk: the most dangerous crisis Europe could face is losing faith in itself. This myth has the potential to fundamentally reshape how Europeans perceive their own political reality.

Anti-European narratives target pluralism, diversity and individual freedoms, recasting Europe’s core strengths as weaknesses. Crisis framing and revenge rhetoric are constant features of political campaigns that portray democracy and the EU as causes of decline or betrayal.

Fundamentally anti-pluralist actors redefine who can and should belong to the democratic community. Terms such as ‘economic suicide’, ‘liberal fascism’ or ‘civilisational self-destruction’ do not offer solutions to problems – they are part of a deliberate strategy. Language shapes how reality is understood. It conditions how we think, feel and act.

Such narratives do not only aim to shift political support – they erode trust and breed doubt, insecurity and anxiety. A lack of trust weakens confidence in our ability to address problems – individually and collectively. Without a sense of agency, few are willing to defend individual rights and democratic freedoms. At the same time, the contestation, downplaying and neglect of Europe’s totalitarian memory in political discourse leaves a value vacuum.

Businesses can directly counteract the social and psychological consequences of distrust by investing in civic literacy programmes for their employees. Even one visit to a site of repression – a camp or secret prison – can reveal how political myths are constructed, how conformity is produced and why democratic institutions, however imperfect, remain the best safeguard against tyranny.

Businesses can also support NGOs that focus on civic education for young people and adults, extending and multiplying the effect of their work as an investment in the citizens of the future. Many companies still treat public positions on democratic values as a reputational issue rather than a core responsibility, underestimating their potential impact on societal trust and civic resilience.

To respond effectively to efforts to weaken Europe, we must rethink our assumptions. The real crisis is a failure to adjust and the belief that there is no alternative, or that stability requires trading away fundamental freedoms.

‍